Breaking News:Jammeh’s lobbyist Richard T Hines named! Gamtel to be sold!

Jammeh fired Aycoth    Has Johnson lied
and hired Hines!!         to the court about Hines

Breaking News:Jammeh’s lobbyist Richard T Hines named! Gamtel to be sold! Jammeh fired Aycoth Has Johnson lied and hired Hines!! to the court about Hines Source:New York Times “Mr. Hines, meanwhile, also promoted a California telecommunications company, TechnoConcepts Inc., to Mr. Attah as an ideal joint venture partner. According to Mr. Attah, what Mr. Hines did not tell him was that he then had a contract with TechnoConcepts that paid him $10,000 a month. Mr. Hines also held TechnoConcepts stock options and was in line to receive bonuses for bringing new business to the company. He had also sought business for the company in Gambia.TechnoConcepts, which claims patents to valuable wireless technology, has never made a profit, according to its filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission. Investors are suing the company and its executives, contending fraud — claims that TechnoConcepts and its officials deny.”said the New York Times. WITH the rainy season under way, and the weather sweltering, Nancy Lopez, a former championship golfer, hooked her tee shot into the rough. “That was a jet-lag swing,” she cheerily remarked to onlookers here, most of whom had never seen a golf club — or certainly not a middle-aged woman in shorts who was swinging one. Ms. Lopez had come here on a late March day with two top golfers, Retief Goosen and Colin Montgomerie, to help inaugurate a new 18-hole course set in a landscape lush with palm trees. The oil-rich heart of the Niger Delta lies west of here, where armed gangs routinely kidnap foreigners for ransom. Despite the nearby turmoil, this small city, the capital of a Nigerian state called Akwa Ibom, has remained tranquil, a point that the state’s governor, Victor H. Attah, underscored as he described the new golf resort as an attractive destination for tourists and oil industry executives. “There is another Niger Delta, and I want the world to know that Americans can come here without fear,” Mr. Attah told reporters at a recent news conference. As it turns out, one group of Americans had already made themselves comfortable: well-connected lobbyists and corporate consultants hunting for fees. Lobbying may bring to mind images of tasseled loafers, limousines and lavish offices on K Street in Washington. But there is another, less-studied side of the business that plays out on remote frontiers like this one, where opportunity, self-interest and money intersect. In recent years, deal makers of all kinds have come from the United States to Nigeria, drawn by an oil-fueled boom that has underwritten airports, power plants, telecommunications start-ups and other ventures in this country, Africa’s most populous. Despite Nigeria’s abundant resources, most of its citizens remain impoverished. Others have become renowned worldwide as Internet-based hustlers, sending out scam e-mail messages that promise easy fortunes. But the story of how a luxury golf resort came to a remote corner of a desperately poor nation is part of a larger tale of role reversal in which American wheeler-dealers, rather than Nigerian ones, played leading roles. Over the past two years, an unlikely cast of characters sought a piece of a multimillion-dollar public spending spree initiated by Mr. Attah, an ambitious politician who wanted to be Nigeria’s next president. The group included a lobbyist who boasted of ties to the Bush White House, a bankrupt Las Vegas businessman who claimed to be a “privatization expert,” a publicly traded consulting firm that has several public luminaries in its ranks, and lesser-known door-openers in Washington and Nigeria whom law enforcement authorities have questioned in the bribery investigation of Representative William J. Jefferson of Louisiana. Holding center stage was Richard T. Hines, a lobbyist and consultant Mr. Attah hired in 2005 to represent Akwa Ibom in the United States. Mr. Hines, who has a passion for the old Confederacy, brought together a rag-tag band of confederates. Rivals also gathered and, as the golf resort’s opening neared, a showdown ensued, one that produced an unlikely winner. Nigeria is, of course, no stranger to corporate shell games and quick money schemes. Fraud, in all its varieties, is so common here that those who practice the craft are known as “419ers,” a reference to the section of the country’s penal code that covers the crime. But a nose for opportunity and a taste for money is hardly indigenous to Nigeria. Kenneth Gross, a lobbying expert in Washington, said that while many lobbyists talk about venturing into developing countries like Nigeria in search of rich rewards, there is a special breed who actually do. “It takes a real adventuresome spirit to take off their Gucci shoes and put on the hiking boots,” he says. Then hoe it down and scratch your gravel, to Dixie Land I’m bound to travel. Look away, look away, look away, Dixie Land! — from “Dixie’s Land” As musicians dressed in gray Civil War-era uniforms recently performed before a likeness of Gen. Robert E. Lee in Statuary Hall of the Capitol in Washington, a small assembly joined in by singing a rousing version of “Dixie’s Land.” The ceremony honored the birthday of the Southern military leader, an event that Mr. Hines typically attends as head of a chapter of the Sons of Confederate Veterans. Although he did not attend the celebration this month, few would have attributed his absence to a lack of zeal. A decade ago, for instance, Mr. Hines marched down a street in Richmond, Va., rebel battle flag in hand, to protest the unveiling of a statute there to the late black tennis star Arthur Ashe Jr. Mr. Hines said that his grievance was not racial, but that the street was hallowed ground for Confederate monuments. “The intent of the placement of the statue was to debunk our heritage,” The Associated Press quoted him as saying. More recently, he helped pay for a stealth mailing campaign during the 2000 Republican presidential primaries that attacked Senator John McCain for criticizing South Carolina for flying the Confederate flag over its capitol. On festive occasions, Mr. Hines, a former South Carolina lawmaker, wears a tie emblazoned with the Stars and Bars, the first flag of the Confederacy. An African politician allied with a lobbyist who likes to whistle Dixie might seem an odd coupling. But in Mr. Hines, Mr. Attah found a Washington veteran who, while not the biggest lobbyist in town, had apparently carved out an influential niche. Skip to next paragraph Enlarge This Image Jacob Silberberg for The New York Times The new Le Meridien hotel in Uyo is one of the building programs that Mr. Attah had promoted in his efforts to raise his state’s profile in Nigeria and abroad. Podcast Weekend Business Weekend Business This week: Breaking the 13,000 barrier and the future of movie downloading. * How to Subscribe * Audio This Week’s Podcast ( mp3) Enlarge This Image Christy Bowe/ImageCatcher News Richard T. Hines, who has led a chapter of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, was hired as a lobbyist to represent Akwa Ibom. The Web site of his company, RTH Consulting, has boasted that “You Have the Right Connections” in Mr. Hines, and that the firm has “an active voice in the current Bush administration.” In his office, Mr. Hines displays photographs of himself alongside officials like Vice President Dick Cheney, according to visitors there. Mr. Hines did not respond to repeated interview requests in recent weeks or to a series of written questions. But over the years, his lobbying and consulting clients have included the government of Cambodia; Philip Morris, the cigarette maker now known as the Altria Group; Schweitzer Aircraft, a manufacturer of helicopters; and the Ashbury International Group, a producer of military sniper equipment, according to public records and interviews. If Mr. Hines secured such high-profile clients through cultivated political connections or careful courting, he apparently stumbled into working for Mr. Attah through a random meeting in a neighborhood drugstore. Three years ago, Aisha Buhari, a middle-aged Nigerian woman, stood at a perfume counter inside a Washington pharmacy and, according to an African immigrant named Joshua Assiba who said he was also there, bought thousands of dollars of merchandise. “You must be a rich woman, looking at the way you dress and spend money,” Mr. Assiba recalls telling Ms. Buhari. As the pair struck up a conversation and subsequently became friends, Mr. Assiba, then a security guard, said she told him that her father was the former military ruler of Nigeria, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, and that her American friends included politicians like Mr. Jefferson of Louisiana. Mr. Assiba also said that she told him that Mr. Attah, the governor of Akwa Ibom, had asked her to look for consultants and lawyers who could help him pressure oil companies like Exxon Mobil to clean up pollution in the Nigerian state. Mr. Assiba, who was scouting investors for his own African projects, had been introduced earlier to Mr. Hines. The lobbyist, Mr. Assiba told Ms. Buhari, was just the man Mr. Attah needed. EVEN by Nigerian standards, Akwa Ibom is a backwater. The streets of Uyo are lined with low-slung shacks roofed with rusted sheet metal, and the city’s jumbled marketplace smells of food and sewage. But a few years ago, Mr. Attah, a former architect, started a massive building program. He contracted with the Le Meridien chain to construct and operate a five-star hotel for the golf resort. Not far away, DynCorp International, a multinational concern that offers construction and security services, was working on a new airport to handle jet flights. And elsewhere in Uyo, an industrial park that Mr. Attah hoped would lure high-tech companies was rising. The boom here, like those elsewhere in Nigeria, is paid for with oil revenues. Each of Nigeria’s 36 states receives a share of the country’s wealth. While some politicians squander that money or steal it, Mr. Attah, a short, affable man of 68, presents himself as an honest broker seeking to modernize his state. Term limits barred him from running again for governor, and so he cast his eye on becoming Nigeria’s next president. To prepare for that run, he needed to raise his profile at home and abroad. So when he received a telephone call from Ms. Buhari in 2005 endorsing Mr. Hines as someone who could help, he said he agreed to hire him. “All I needed to do was ask Aisha if she knew him,” Mr. Attah recalls. Mr. Attah says he knows Ms. Buhari’s father, who is still a powerful Nigerian politician, by reputation. He also met her, he said, in 2001 when she accompanied a group of American politicians that included Mr. Jefferson to Akwa Ibom to see oil-related pollution problems there. Mr. Attah says that he and Mr. Hines came to terms. The Nigerian official agreed in the late summer of 2005 to pay him $1.2 million for a year’s work, a very large sum by lobbying standards, experts say. According to the contract and lobbying records, Mr. Hines’s duties included meetings with government officials in Washington seeking aid for Akwa Ibom, finding companies and investors to come to the Nigerian state, and publicizing its economic opportunities. Ms. Buhari, who declined to be interviewed, did not receive a fee for any role she may have played in connecting Mr. Hines and Mr. Attah, according to the lobbyist’s filings. But in September 2005, a week after Mr. Attah signed the Akwa Ibom contract, Mr. Hines sent a letter to State Department officials in Nigeria urging them to renew Ms. Buhari’s American visa; the letter stated that his firm had hired her as a “consultant” and that her contract was “available on request” for inspection. Despite the large amount of money that Mr. Attah paid Mr. Hines, the politician said he never looked into the backgrounds of either the lobbyist or the associates who followed Mr. Hines to Nigeria. If he had, he might have found that some of those associates had interesting backgrounds. In fact, a few of them had already been in Africa the year before — to seek work from another client of Mr. Hines, the government of the nearby nation of Gambia. Skip to next paragraph Michael Temchine for The New York Times Aisha Buhari has claimed that she is the daughter of the former military ruler of Nigeria, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari. Podcast Weekend Business

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